Therefore, those who began to live in post-Soviet Russia had to think about a future for it after that end of the world, especially for two questions as sensitive as they were fundamental: the reconstruction of a damaged national identity and the reconfiguration mobile phone number list of the forces of a disgraced left. If, as Bruno Groppo maintains, the disappearance of the USSR caused "a great identity crisis that, since the 1990s, Russian society has striven to overcome in order to rebuild an acceptable identity"4, the discrediting of the communist project that also produced the collapse generated a crisis and a political disorientation of that space that the anti-capitalist forces mobile phone number list of Russia are still trying to overcome, within the framework of a strong control of the national State and a resurgence of global neoconservatism .
In search of Russia After having participated in the army mobile phone number list that defeated Napoleon, Pyotr Chaadáyev spent a long time in Europe. Returning to the Russian Empire, and shocked by what he had experienced on the continent, he wrote eight Philosophical Letters which were circulated in the literary salons of Moscow. In the first of them he wondered, not without some anguish, about the features that defined Russia and about the place it mobile phone number list seemed to occupy in the world.5. His answer was final: his country was backward and he had not made any contribution to civilization.
Such a sentence earned him the accusation of "insane" by Tsarism, but it gave rise to the famous debate between Slavophiles and Westerners around mobile phone number list mobile phone number list the 1840s regarding the national destiny, which would be seminal in guiding the gaze of the future. That intellectual dispute would be recycled several times over almost two centuries each time Russia faced an identity crisis. The dissolution of the USSR in 1991 seemed to revive those anxieties and concerns, in a society that was left without its country and in a country that lost its place as world superpower in a matter of days. The responses rehearsed by Boris Yeltsin, the first president of post-Soviet Russia, were erratic and in tune with the implementation of the shock doctrine and "wild" neoliberalism6.